Life once ‘sweeter’ at Hacienda Luisita
By Russell Arador
Inquirer
First Posted 05:45:00 05/04/2007
Filed Under: Agrarian Reform
HACIENDA LUISITA, TARLAC CITY -- Fernando Salvador was only 12 years old when he started working at the vast sugarcane plantation then owned by the Spanish firm Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas, or Tabacalera.
“Life used to be better then,” says Salvador, now 74. There was plenty of work to do.
This continued even after the Spanish owners, fearing a communist Huk uprising, sold the 6,453-hectare hacienda and a sugar mill, Central Azucarera de Tarlac, in 1958 to the Tarlac Development Corp. (Tadeco) of Jose Cojuangco Sr.
The acquisition of Cojuangco, whose daughter Corazon later became the Philippine president, comprised three municipalities in Tarlac province.
The purchase was made possible through loans from the Government Service Insurance System and the Manufacturer’s Trust of New York, the latter guaranteed by the Central Bank of the Philippines.
Bygone era
Norberto Masanque, 57, and Marcelina de Leon, 74, both old hands at Hacienda Luisita, share Salvador’s recollection of a bygone era.
“In those times, there were a lot of opportunities for work. There was even so much overtime work that we sometimes got fed up working,” Masanque says.
Often, he says, hacienda management would offer Sunday work but workers would refuse. Back then, Luisita workers could afford the luxury of refusing work.
Not any more.
Two years after Corazon Cojuangco-Aquino became the President after the 1986 People Power Revolution, she signed into law a Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP), calling for the redistribution of private agricultural lands across the nation.
The Cojuangco family, however, held on to its landholding under a stock distribution option allowed under CARP, in which farmers at the hacienda were given shares of stock in the Luisita corporation in lieu of land. The shares made them co-owners of the hacienda, at least on paper.
Retrenchment
On Aug. 30, 2004, about 1,000 Hacienda Luisita workers staged a rally to protest what they described as the arbitrary retrenchment of workers, including United Luisita Workers’ Union (ULWU) president Rene Galang and nine other officers, among many other issues.
On Nov. 16, 2004, seven people were killed when policemen and government soldiers dismantled barricades set up by the protesters.
The conflict reached the Presidential Agrarian Reform Council, which subsequently decided to revoke the SDO arrangement and distribute the hacienda to the farmers. The case is now in the Supreme Court.
Masanque recalls that work had started to become scarce shortly after the implementation of the SDO scheme. “Work was divided among us. Sometimes one could work for only three days within a week. I sometimes got work four days a week,” he says.
Toward the 2004 strike, which would paralyze operations not only at the plantation but at the mill as well, workers would get only a day of work a week.
Reducing ‘service stocks’
Masanque says he suspected that management was deliberately cutting workers’ “man-days” -- the number of days that each beneficiary works -- to reduce their “service stocks,” which is computed on the number of days worked.
He says he was able to buy television and stereo sets and had his house built when work was still abundant. Now he could not even have his broken TV repaired.
Aside from diminishing work opportunities, another adverse result of the SDO implementation was the loss of educational and hospitalization benefits that workers used to get, Masanque says.
“Before, we enjoyed a lot of benefits. We did not pay for hospital bills. We do that now,” he says.
Masanque cites as example his confinement at the Far Eastern University Hospital in Metro Manila in 1983.
He says the company paid for his bills amounting to P92,000. “I did not pay, not even a centavo,” he says.
Before, workers could send their children to school for free and could even avail of educational loans for other expenses twice a year, Masanque says. “There was even a free school bus service.”
Salvador says the culprits for the dwindling man-days were the farm machines that gradually took over a number of processes used to be handled by people in a bid to lower the cost of sugar production.
“When the machines came, opportunities for work gradually dwindled,” says Salvador, who, like Masanque and De Leon, managed to build his house when the pasture was greener at the hacienda.
Nostalgic for Ninoy
All three found Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino’s stint as hacienda administrator as most beneficial to Luisita workers.
Such was their esteem for the assassinated opposition leader and husband of Corazon Aquino. They felt that had Ninoy been alive during his wife’s presidency, he would have compelled her to parcel out the hacienda to its farmers.
After all, regardless of the roots of the Luisita workers’ ills, a collective longing for actual land ownership endures, the workers say.
De Leon, who started working as a sugarcane cutter and weeder at the hacienda at 20, adds: “We prefer that the land is distributed because people could till it.”
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